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This article discusses similarities and differences between social anarchism (also known as left anarchism) and anarcho-capitalism (also known as ''right anarchism''), and the history of debates regarding the two philosophies. Historically, social anarchism has always been the mainstream within anarchism. Individualist anarchism, and anarcho-capitalism in particular, despite antecedents going back to the nineteenth century, are minority currents. Anarcho-capitalists believe anarcho-capitalism to be a form of individualist anarchism, although many individualist anarchists oppose this view because individualist anarchism opposes capitalism. Social anarchists tend to believe anarcho-capitalism is not a form of anarchism due to their understanding of capitalism as inherently authoritarian. Anarcho-capitalists on the other hand tend to believe social anarchism is a form of collectivism, which they view as a threat to individual autonomy. ==Background== Anarcho-capitalism is seen as a form of individualist anarchism by several scholars.〔Bottomore, Tom. '' Dictionary of Marxist Thought'', ''Anarchism'' entry, 1991.〕〔Ostergaard, Geofrey. Resisting the Nation State - the anarchist and pacifist tradition, Anarchism As A Tradition of Political Thought. Peace Pledge Union Publications ()〕 All of the classical individualist anarchists opposed profit-making and, hence, capitalism as it is commonly defined today. Nevertheless, anarcho-capitalism, which has no opposition to profit, is sometimes regarded as a form of individualist anarchism in recent times. For example, contemporary individualist anarchist Daniel Burton, who believes that most modern day individualist anarchists are class war anti-capitalists, nonetheless says that anarcho-capitalism is a type of individualist anarchism. Individualist Anarchist Laurance Labadie argued that Rothbard "upholds presumably in his courts the very economic evils which are at bottom the very reason for human contention and conflict."〔quoted by Mildred J. Loomis and Mark A. Sullivan, "Laurance Labadie: Keeper Of The Flame", pp. 116-30, Benjamin R. Tucker and the Champions of Liberty, Coughlin, Hamilton and Sullivan (eds.), p. 124〕 Wendy McElroy calls herself both an individualist anarchist and an anarcho-capitalist, and Italian anarcho-capitalist Guglielmo Piombini regards anarcho-capitalism as a form of individualist anarchism. Historian Ralph Raico regards it as "a form of individualist anarchism". Simon Tormey, in his book ''Anti-Capitalism: A Beginner's Guide'' places no anti-capitalist restriction on being an individualist anarchist: "Pro-capitalist anarchism is, as one might expect, particularly prevalent in the US where it feeds on the strong individualist and libertarian currents that have always been a part of the American political imaginary. To return to the point, however, there are individualist anarchists who are most certainly not anti-capitalist and there are those who may well be." Some anarcho-capitalists argue that their philosophy is related to individualist anarchism. They believe a major difficulty in resolving the debate is due to the conflicting definitions of the words "anarchism" and "capitalism" as used by the two sides. The traditions that object to the term anarcho-capitalism tend to use the term "anarchism" to refer to political movements that are both anti-statist and anti-capitalist. Conversely, libertarians and anarcho-capitalists most commonly apply the term "anarchism" to any philosophy that opposes all forms of initiatory coercion (without specifications regarding economic systems). However, even this is disputed, as most anarchists argue that capitalism is inherently coercive.〔 Lysander Spooner's articles, such as ''No Treason'', and the ''Letter to Thomas Bayard'' were widely reprinted in early anarcho-capitalist journals, and his ideas – especially his individualist critique of the state and his defense of the right to ignore or withdraw from it – were often cited by anarcho-capitalists. Spooner was staunchly opposed to government interference in economic matters, and supported a "right to acquire property () as one of the natural, inherent, inalienable rights of men () one which government has no power to infringe ()". Like all anarchists, he opposed government regulation: "All legislative restraints upon the rate of interest are arbitrary and tyrannical restraints upon a man's natural capacity amid natural right to hire capital, upon which to bestow his labor." He was particularly vocal, however, in opposing any collusion between banks and government, and argued that the monopolistic privileges that the government granted to a few bankers were the source of many social and economic ills. Benjamin Tucker supported private ownership of the product of labor, which he believed entailed a rejection of both collective and capitalist ownership. He was a staunch advocate of the mutualist form of recompensing labor, which holds to "Cost the limit of price". He also advocated a free market economy, which he believed was prohibited by capitalist monopoly of credit and land backed by the state. He believed that anyone who wishes should be allowed to engage in the banking business and issue their private currency without needing special permission from government, and that unused land should not be restricted to those who wished to use it. He believed that if these and other coercive actions were eliminated that profit in economic transactions would be rendered nearly impossible because of increased availability of capital to all individuals and resulting increased competition in business. Accepting the labor theory of value and the resulting "cost principle" as a premise marks one of mutualism's main conflicts with anarcho-capitalism. Although his self-identification as a socialist and sympathy for the labor movement led to hostility from some early anarcho-capitalists such as Robert LeFevre, others, such as Murray Rothbard, embraced his critique of the state and claimed that he defined his "socialism" not in terms of opposition to a free market or private property, but in opposition to government privileges for business. However, individualists argue that capitalism cannot be maintained in the absence of the state. For example, Kevin Carson argues, "As a mutualist anarchist, I believe that expropriation of surplus value – i.e., capitalism – cannot occur without state coercion to maintain the privilege of usurer, landlord, and capitalist. It was for this reason that the free market mutualist Benjamin Tucker – from whom right-libertarians selectively borrow – regarded himself as a libertarian socialist." Tucker characterized the economic demands of Proudhon and Warren by saying, "though opposed to socializing the ownership of capital, they aimed nevertheless to socialize its effects by making its use beneficial to all instead of a means of impoverishing the many to enrich the few () Absolute Free Trade; free trade at home, as well as with foreign countries; the logical carrying out of the Manchester doctrine; ''laissez-faire'' the universal rule." Anarcho-capitalism is sometimes viewed by those sympathetic to it as a form of individualist anarchism, despite the fact that the original individualist anarchists universally rejected capitalism (i.e., they opposed profit, which is seen as a fundamental characteristic of capitalism). Organizations such as mutualist.org remain dedicated to "free market anticapitalism," while individualists like Larry Gambone explicitly state that all capitalism is state capitalism. Nonetheless, anarcho-capitalist Wendy McElroy considers herself to be an individualist, while admitting that the original individualists were universally anticapitalist. In addition, historian (Guglielmo Piombini ) considers anarcho-capitalism a form of individualist anarchism, though he offers no support for this statement. Social anarchist author Iain McKay and historian Peter Sabatini both argue that anarcho-capitalism is fundamentally opposed to individualist anarchism. The similarity to anarcho-capitalism in regard to private defense of liberty and property is probably best seen in a quote by 19th-century individualist anarchist Victor Yarros: While the claim is controversial, some scholars regard anarcho-capitalism as being a form of individualism anarchism.〔 However, other scholars, and many individualist anarchists themselves, do not accept anarcho-capitalism as a form of individualist anarchism, individualist or not, as they assert that anarchism is fundamentally opposed to capitalism.〔"Anarchism," Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2006〕 As individualist anarchist Joe Peacott says: Individualist anarchists have continued to espouse the labor theory of value, finding profit to be unnatural and exploitative. In the mainstream, however, the popularity of the labor theory of value of classical economics was superseded by greater acceptance of the subjective theory of value of neo-classical economics. Eventually, in the 1950s, Murray Rothbard coined the term "anarcho-capitalism" to define his anti-statist, laissez-faire capitalist philosophy. Rothbard noted that while "strongly tempted," he could not call his ideology "individualist anarchism" because "Spooner and Tucker have in a sense preempted that name for their doctrine and that from that doctrine I have certain differences." Rothbard also supported unregulated banking, as Tucker and other individualists did, but believed that Tucker and Spooner had a flawed understanding of economics to believe that unregulated banking would eliminate profit from interest. Rothbard says interest rates are ultimately determined by the time value of money, rather than the supply of money and that interest/profit would still exist in a free banking environment. He says: "it has been particularly distressing to me as an ardent admirer of Spooner and Tucker to find that their followers have emphasized and concentrated on their totally fallacious monetary views almost to the exclusion of all else and even bring them forth as a panacea for all economic and social ills." Rothbard suggested that individualist anarchists drop the labor theory of value which he believed to be erroneous and leading to a false conclusion that profit was exploitative or unnatural in laissez-faire. Rothbard sought to introduce Lockean property rights and marginalism into individualist anarchism: Rothbard also rejected Tucker and Spooner's support of a system where there is no written law. He says, Instead, he argues, Individualist anarchist Laurance Labadie responded that: Mere common sense would suggest that any court would be influenced by experience; and any free-market court or judge would in the very nature of things have some precedents guiding them in their instructions to a jury. But since no case is exactly the same, a jury would have considerable say about the heinousness of the offence in each case, realising that circumstances alter cases, and prescribing penalty accordingly. This appeared to Spooner and Tucker to be a more flexible and equitable administration of justice possible or feasible, human beings being what they are... However, this criticism is specific to Rothbard's suggested version of anarcho-capitalism rather than to anarcho-capitalism in general. There are anarcho-capitalists who oppose the existence of all statutory law, such as Morris and Linda Tannehill. Individualist anarchism is a broad philosophy with various theorists having their own suggested versions. Philosopher Brad Spangler also finds fault in the understanding of Rothbard's political philosophy held by self-described left-anarchists. Spangler makes the argument that what we typically call "anarcho-capitalism" is in fact a stigmergic socialism. "It is my contention," writes Spangler, "that Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism is misnamed because it is actually a variety of socialism, in that it offers an alternative understanding of existing capitalism (or any other variety of statism) as systematic theft from the lower classes and envisions a more just society without that oppression. Rather than depending upon the labor theory of value to understand this systematic theft, Rothbardian market anarchism utilizes natural law theory and Lockean principles of property and self-ownership taken to their logical extreme as an alternative framework for understanding and combating oppression." He goes on to call Murray Rothbard "''a visionary socialist''," admitting that it would likely cause Rothbard fits to be characterized as such. Though some scholars say that anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism, most anarchists disagree. Some writers on anarchism point out that anarcho-capitalism and most other forms of anarchism are very different, calling it "right-libertarianism" rather than left-libertarianism, but maintaining that it is still anarchism.〔Jennings, Jeremy. ''Contemporary Political Ideologies'', Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright (eds.), p. 142. Goodwin, Barbara. ''Using Political Ideas'', p. 148〕 Peter Marshall simply concludes that "few anarchists would accept 'anarcho-capitalists' into the anarchist camp." Some anarchists maintain strongly that anarcho-capitalism is not a form of anarchism due to their belief that anarchism is necessarily anti-capitalist as well as anti-statist. They note that, historically, those who called themselves "anarchist" have been opposed to what they called "capitalism," and that anarchists like Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin and Tucker all called themselves socialists, and they argue that anarcho-capitalism ''"is judged to be anarchism largely because anarcho-capitalists say they are 'anarchists' and because they criticise the State."''〔Peter Sabatini, ''Social Anarchism'', no. 23, p. 100〕 Significantly, few anarchists who called themselves "socialist" defined "anarchism" as purely opposition to the state. For example, Errico Malatesta argued that the oppressed "sought to overthrow both State and property – then it was that anarchism was born." More recent anarchist thinkers have also noted that anarchism has not been solely concerned with the state: ''"Critics have sometimes contended that anarchist thought, and classical anarchist theory in particular, has emphasised opposition to the state to the point of neglecting the real hegemony of economic power. This interpretation arises, perhaps, from a simplistic and overdrawn distinction between the anarchist focus on political domination and the Marxist focus on economic exploitation . . . there is abundant evidence against such a thesis throughout the history of anarchist thought." Both social anarchists and anarcho-capitalists refer to the etymological origins of the word "anarchy" as "without rulers".〔(【引用サイトリンク】title=Online Etymology Dictionary entry for "anarchy" )〕 Conventionally, anarchists interpret this to mean anything fitting the definition of ''ruler''.〔McKay, Iain; Elkin, Gary; Neal, Dave ''et al.'' (B.4 How does capitalism affect liberty? ) ''An Anarchist FAQ Version 11.4''. Retrieved March 2006.〕 Anarcho-capitalists specifically interpret this to apply to ''any'' form of institutionalized coercion, arguing that in a society free from coercion, no institution can exist to prevent a person from following another. Anarcho-capitalists further argue that the forced prevention of any voluntary action (save for those actions which infringe upon the equal rights of others) creates a coercive hierarchy, a ''ruler'' class and a ''ruled'' class. They argue that this class structure exists everywhere and only where coercion prevails. Classical American individualist anarchists in the Josiah Warren or Benjamin Tucker tradition favoured small local market, also opposing the existence of social class structure since it, they argue, cuts individual liberty by making some people work and receive orders from others above; however the classical American individualist anarchists opposed what they called capitalism, believing that profit would decrease approaching zero under free market anarchy. Many scholars such as David Osterfeld and David Miller view anarcho-capitalism as a 20th-century modification of the type of individualist anarchism that was popular in America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Scholar of political philosophy, Ian Adam, says "it is not in fact the case (as is sometimes thought) that anarcho-capitalism came out of the blue, without past or pedigree. It has a good deal in common with the earlier American tradition of individualist anarchism." Anti-capitalist anarchists tend to reject such claims, noting that many of the individualist anarchists ''called'' themselves socialists, and that all had a vision of a free society at odds with what they called capitalism.〔Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible; John Clark, The Anarchist Moment; David Weick, ''Anarchist Justice''; Peter Sabatini, ''Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy''〕 However, the scholars making the assertion that anarcho-capitalism is a more recent form of individualist anarchism are aware that 19th century individualist anarchists were opposed to capitalism (and communism); the assertion is that anarcho-capitalism is a subjectivist form of individualist anarchism. In other words, opposition to profit is not a necessary condition of being an individualist anarchist. Nevertheless, one anti-capitalist individualist anarchist laments, ''"is time that anarchists recognise the valuable contributions of... individualist anarchist theory and take advantage of its ideas. It would be both futile and criminal to leave it to the capitalist libertarians..."''〔J. W. Baker, ''"Native American Anarchism,"'' The Raven, pp. 43-62, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 61-2〕 Anarchist author Iain McKay argues that individualism is essentially anti-capitalist and that anarcho-capitalism's claim to the tradition require reading individualist anarchists out of context (()). Individualist anarchist Joe Peacott argues that individualism rejects capitalist economic arrangements. One set of approaches concludes that capitalism, by necessity, requires a state, and therefore capitalism cannot exist without a state. For example, Larry Gambone states, "for anarchists, capitalism is the result of the development of the state and therefore, all capitalism is in one sense, state capitalism."〔()〕 He adds that when the anarchists use the term "capitalism," they are referring to those who have "gained wealth from the use of governmental power or from privileges granted by government." Anarcho-capitalist Wendy McElroy says that when 19th century individualist anarchists referred to "capitalism" they meant state capitalism, the alliance of government and business. Using this understanding of the manifestation of capitalism, some have argued that anarcho-"capitalism" is not truly a form of capitalism to begin with, and that therefore anarcho-"capitalism" is just as anti-capitalist as Tucker and Spooner. Left-libertarian Brad Spangler, for example, has argued that anarcho-capitalism, properly understood, is a stigmergic form of socialism. For those that maintain that anarcho-capitalism ''is'', in fact, a form of capitalism, the issue of contention then becomes whether or not capitalism can be created, or maintained, in the absence of a state that intervenes in private property claims. Anarcho-capitalist Murray Rothbard noted a difference between two contradictory concepts of capitalism, "free-market capitalism" characterized by voluntary exchange and "state capitalism" characterized by violent expropriation. He believed that only free-market capitalism is true capitalism and as such "the fullest expression of anarchism". However, most anarchists would agree with scholar Jeremy Jennings statement that it is ''"hard not to conclude that these ideas () – with roots deep in classical liberalism – are described as anarchist only on the basis of a misunderstanding of what anarchism is."''〔"Anarchism", Contemporary Political Ideologies, Roger Eatwell and Anthony Wright (eds.), p. 142〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Anarchism and anarcho-capitalism」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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